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The author assesses the impact of incumbency on racial voting patterns and, more important, the extent to which the changing racial composition of a city's electorate conditions the relationship between voting behavior and incumbency. To address these concerns, the author examines voting behavior across a series of mayoral and city council elections held in New Orleans between 1965 and 1986, the period during which that city underwent racial transition from majority white to majority black.

The hypothesis that the electorate's racial composition influences the extent to which votes are cast along racial lines is tested using official data on 42 primary elections held between 1965 & 1986 in New Orleans, La (which changed from a majority white to a majority black population over this period), & voter registration data. Findings show that changes in the electorate's racial composition affect electoral contexts, &, thus, election characteristics & racial voting patterns. Directions for further research are suggested. 3 Tables, 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

Race Rules examines electoral politics over forty years, up to the present day. Liu and Vanderleeuw show that an understanding of New Orleans politics must start with the city's racial composition and must be viewed in terms of racial conflict and accommodation reflected in the electoral arena during the last four decades

Results of prior research indicate that central cities are likely to adopt progrowth policies, whereas suburbs have become increasingly "antigrowth." This research further examines the city and suburb differences in economic development priorities at the city-administrator level. By utilizing survey data that targeted administrators of cities with a population of at least 5,000 in the state of Texas, this study tests four hypotheses that are derived from previous theories. Results show that there is a high level of consensus among city and suburb administrators regarding the importance of economic development and job creation. However, central-city administrators accord a greater level of importance to job creation and to a regional economy than do administrators in suburbs. Furthermore, the administrators' perceptions of policy priorities are also conditioned by the structure of their local government.

Borrowing findings from the literature on voter turnout, the authors examine the causes of roll-off in city council contests among black voters in New Orleans, a black empowerment area, between 1965 and 1998. The findings suggest the relevance of institutional power on group political participation. Roll-off among black voters declined after blacks held the majority of city council seats. Moreover, the findings indicate the relevance of election competitiveness. Black voter roll-off was lower in runoff elections than in primaries. Finally, the findings suggest that mobilization by black candidates, particularly by black incumbents, may yield enhanced political participation among black voters in urban elections.

This paper examines three current theories employed to explain white voting behavior—racial threat, symbolic racism, and racial tolerance. In so doing, it examines white crossover voting across a series of biracial municipal elections in New Orleans from 1980 through 1994. During this period the City of New Orleans underwent a pronounced change in its racial composition and in the shift from white to black political power. Within the context of this transition, the findings are most compatible with the racial tolerance explanation of white voting behavior. However, these findings suggest that white‐voter support for black candidates is in fact a more complex process than suggested by any of these three theories.

Seeks to explain White crossover voting across a series of biracial municipal elections.

Objectives. Many cities in the United States have undergone or are undergoing racial transition from a majority white to a majority black population. Accompanying this is a change in the racial makeup of elections and officeholders. This article seeks to explain racial patterns in voter roll‐off as a city undergoes racial transition.Methods. Using a fixed‐effects regression model, we analyze the level of voter roll‐off (from the top‐of‐the‐ballot mayoral contest) among black and white voters across Memphis City Council elections, from 1967 through 2003.Results. The level of voter roll‐off among racial groups is sensitive to the racial aspect of political change. Black voters are most likely to continue to vote in council contests when there is a racial choice among candidates, when blacks have previously been elected, and when blacks occupy the mayoralty and a majority of council seats. Whites are most likely to vote in racially competitive council contests, as well as when there are a large number of white candidates, and when whites hold a majority of the council seats.Conclusions. In settings such as Memphis, where race has played a pronounced historic role, the racial context of political empowerment has a strong influence on electoral participation. Elections below the top‐of‐the‐ballot become more salient, and political efficacy grows among racial group members when that cohort occupies institutional positions, particularly the majority of positions in a governing institution.

Objectives Many cities in the United States have undergone or are undergoing racial transition from a majority white to a majority black population. Accompanying this is a change in the racial makeup of elections and officeholders. This article seeks to explain racial patterns in voter roll-off as a city undergoes racial transition. Methods Using a fixed-effects regression model, we analyze the level of voter roll-off (from the top-of-the-ballot mayoral contest) among black and white voters across Memphis City Council elections, from 1967 through 2003. Results The level of voter roll-off among racial groups is sensitive to the racial aspect of political change. Black voters are most likely to continue to vote in council contests when there is a racial choice among candidates, when blacks have previously been elected, and when blacks occupy the mayoralty and a majority of council seats. Whites are most likely to vote in racially competitive council contests, as well as when there are a large number of white candidates, and when whites hold a majority of the council seats. Conclusions In settings such as Memphis, where race has played a pronounced historic role, the racial context of political empowerment has a strong influence on electoral participation. Elections below the top-of-the-ballot become more salient, and political efficacy grows among racial group members when that cohort occupies institutional positions, particularly the majority of positions in a governing institution. Adapted from the source document.